Bangladesh and Media

Freedom of the press is a much talked about subject, mostly in developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, where democracy is often in short supply and floundering, where freedom of expression is stifled, the press is gagged and censored, where public interest, welfare of people, rule of law and human rights suffer neglect and denial under a despotic rule. Yet, freedom of press, apart from legislature and an independent judiciary, is the most important prerequisite of democracy, which alone can ensure public interest and welfare of people and promote rights, equality and justice in society.

But there is nothing absolute in the exercise of freedom of press which must be tempered by a sense of duty and social responsibility, without which it is bound to degenerate into license for irresponsible behaviour. Both in developed and developing countries, the press and the media, more often than not, are constrained essentially by narrow political, economic and vested interest and the agenda of owners and publishers, in disregard of editorial independence, and are, thus, found wanting in the presentation of news and views without bias and prejudice. The casualty is the larger interest of the people and society.

The record of press freedom in Bangladesh since independence, unfortunately, is not glorious by any account. It received a battering from all governments — during the one party rule till 1975, military and quasi-military rule till the end of 1990 and elected dictatorial rule till end of 2006 — through the banning and cancellation of newspaper publications, and persecution, and court cases against editors, publishers and journalists. Instances of killing and kidnapping of some journalists were not few and far between.

However, it is remarkable that now there is no curb on press freedom in Bangladesh, although the country has been under emergency rule since the present caretaker government assumed power in January last year. It is important to note that it is for the first time in Bangladesh that there has not been a single instance of victimisation, persecution or harassment of journalists. It is unprecedented in a country under emergency rule.

The government has lived up to the assurance given by the Chief Advisor Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed to the editors and representatives of the media in May last year, that the provision of the emergency power 2007 ordinance providing for restriction or punishment to errant press will not be applied to the media which enjoys full and unfettered freedom. He also wanted to see the national press play the role of a parliament, debating vital national issues in the absence of Jatiyo Sansad.

The press has, since, been critically discussing at will every action, measure and statement of the government, which is least rattled by constructive criticism but seems to accept in good grace any healthy criticism by the press and, not infrequently, amends its decisions in the light of press reaction.

A section of the press, particularly a mainstream English daily in its editorial comments and columns has consistently engaged itself in scurrilous and vituperative attacks on every action and statement of the government in order to hold it up for ridicule, hatred and disrepute to deliberately create disaffection among the public against the government. In this context, the mild government reaction, by way of phone calls and press advice, is considered as government interference. If this is true, as alleged by editors and representatives of journalist associations recently, it can be better appreciated when viewed against the background of the generally continuing liberal attitude of the government towards the media.

Those who complain of government interference had better remember, as a matter of contrast, the widespread and ruthless persecution and repression of the Indian press, let loose by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi under emergency powers.

The present caretaker government is grappling with daunting challenges of salvaging the country from chaos, disorder and anarchy arising out of all-pervasive corruption and institutional cirrhosis caused by crippling politicisation. Its sole aim is to transfer power to truly honest and competent elected popular representatives through a free and fair election at the end of December 2008.

In order to be able to ensure a sustainable and truly functional democracy to take roots after election, it has taken a number of reforms in the area of anti-corruption, administrative reorganisation and governance, separation of judiciary, an independent election commission, an independent public service commission, local government election, independent human rights commission and women emancipation and empowerment.

In order to make the government transparent and accountable by providing access to government information, it has initiated and circulated a draft Information Right 2008 ordinance for adoption after debate and discussion. The measure is an example to show that the government is well-meaning in its intention about press freedom.

Needless to say, the country is passing through a critical time and the government is precariously poised to balance the rising expectation of people with the stark ground realities of facing political and economic challenges. The government is working hard under extremely trying circumstances to restore the derailed engine of administration and governance back on track, and it is our collective and moral responsibility to cooperate with the government with patience so that its declared mission to transfer power to elected representatives at the end of December is successfully accomplished.

The press must play a significant role to contribute to the success of government efforts to achieve smooth transition to democracy without let or hindrance by unfounded insinuations, doubts and misgivings about the motives of the government. If anything, its sincerity of purpose is beyond question. There is good reason to believe that the caretaker government, comprising of technocrats exclusively, has no political affiliations or sympathies and apparently has no axe to grind.

Its performance may not be all perfect, but is certainly better by all accounts than that of all previous governments during the last 37 years. It deserves a chance. It cannot and will not fail our expectation. The alternative is a dismal descending to a disaster. The clamour for press freedom will then remain a far cry and a distant mirage.

Abdul Hannan is a freelance writer.

Source: http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=37697

Three members of the student wing of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party beat ‘Jugantor’ journalist over seating in university cafeteria

Media Report

May 20, 2008

Activists of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), student wing of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), beat a journalist on the Dhaka University (DU) campus on May 20 over a trifling matter.

Jasim Uddin, DU correspondent of the Jugantor and also a resident of Kabi Jasim Uddin Hall, was rushed to Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH) with serious injuries in his head and hands.

Witnesses said JCD activists Zahid, Shaheed and Rizvi swooped on Jasim at Suryasen Hall cafeteria at noon. The incident was a sequel to an altercation between Jasim and Zahid over taking seats at the cafeteria in order to have lunch, they added.

Dhaka University Journalists’ Association (Duja) submitted a memorandum to the DU Vice Chancellor Prof SMA Faiz demanding punitive actions against those responsible for the incident.

JCD DU unit President Hasan Mamun said they would take organisational actions against the accused soon.

By Kalinga Seneviratne
Dhaka, May 22, 2008 (IPS)

For 15 years the Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC) campaigned for the introduction of community radio in the country, only to be turned down by successive, democratically-elected governments.

Ironically, in March, it was a military-installed government that announced readiness to issue community radio licenses under a two-year pilot scheme.

After releasing the guidelines for the establishment and licensing of community radio stations on Mar. 12, the government formed three separate committees to process applications from community radio operators.

By the end of April some 178 applications had been received by the information ministry.

BNNRC’s chief executive officer Bazlur Rahman told IPS: ‘’We are now happy that the government is interested in assisting us to establish community radio here. We set up a help desk in our secretariat to assist those interested in applying for community radio licenses and we received a massive response from different organisations and institutions.’’

Rahman was selected this month as the NGO representative on the Central Monitoring Committee which is headed by the director-general of Bangladesh Betar, the state-owned national radio network. This committee will monitor community radio broadcasters once they go on air to see that they adhere to the rules.

While private FM radio has been functioning alongside the national Betar radio network for a while, none of these radio stations was dedicated to serving the grassroots communities and ethnic groups in the way that community radio can.

Community radio is defined as a radio station owned by a particular community, usually through a trust, foundation or association. Political parties and their affiliated organisations, such as student wings or unions, are not allowed to own community radio licenses, nor are international NGOs or foreign channels.

But the policy guidelines allow government research institutions and NGOs with a proven record of community development work for at least five years to own a community radio license. This has set off some debate and doubts about community control of the radio, especially in the countryside.

‘’Government has failed to manage radio. So how can state-run research institutions operating radio in small villages be independent of governments?’’ asks Shameem Reza, a mass communications lecturer at Dhaka University. ‘’The big question is what level of people’s participation would it entail and should we be encouraging the government to set up community radio?’’

Rahman is not overly worried. ‘’Giving community radio licenses to government research institutes or agencies is not a matter of concern for us,’’ he argues. ‘’Community radio can get a new dimension of quality programmes because if they can fulfill the criteria they will have much technical and managerial expertise to offer.’’

Bangladesh has a large number of NGOs operating in development work, including some large international ones like Grameen Bank and BRAC. Some community radio advocates, especially in the academia, fear that these large NGOs could dominate the community radio sector.

But, Rahman says that such fears are unfounded because, under the policy, NGOs, large or small, could have only one community radio license. ‘’So there is no scope for any NGO to monopolise community radio broadcasts,’’ he argues.

Requests from NGOs for large chunks of the licenses with the funds and capacity to run radio stations have not been entertained by the government.

Rahman, who was one of the two NGO representatives in the committee which drafted the community radio policy guidelines of the government, believes that at least 50 organisations will be able to run community radio in the first phase. To assist in this process, the BNNRC has set up a community radio academy and plans to run technical and production training courses soon.

Reza laments the fact that no media academic was involved in this process even though Bangladesh has a long history of media studies being taught at tertiary level. He believes that funding will be a critical issue when it comes to setting up community radio stations and NGOs with international donor support could end up dominating the sector.

‘’Policies are not clearly articulated on how community radio could be funded,’’ noted Reza. ’’Government has only given the monitoring committee guidelines but nothing on how to run a community radio station.’’

While NGOs have done a lot of good development work in the rural areas, ironically this could become a barrier for community control of community radio. Their access to both licenses and funding sources may help to define the community as their own beneficiaries.

‘’There are hundreds of NGOs in the countryside and the people will not be able to set up community radio independent of them,’’ argues Reza. ‘’NGO involvement will not ensure that community radio is the independent community voice.’’

JULHAS ALAM

DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) — Senior editors and journalists from more than a dozen leading Bangladesh newspapers and television stations have demanded an end to the country’s state of emergency and called for greater press freedom.

The journalists met in Dhaka on Tuesday to discuss threats to the media, said Ataus Samad, a former BBC Bengali service reporter who chaired the meeting.

In a statement, they called for government agencies to stop interfering in the media’s work.

A state of emergency was declared in Bangladesh on Jan. 11, 2007, after weeks of street violence over electoral reforms. An interim government backed by the influential military currently runs the country.

“The media have been working with limited rights and under pressure of the emergency rules that curtail many rights,” the journalists said.

“Different agencies — military and civilian — have been interfering with media activities,” they said. “Regular interference in day-to-day work of the media is not acceptable.”

Shyamol Dutta, editor of the Bhorer Kagoj newspaper, who attended Tuesday’s meeting, said emergency rule was disrupting normal media activities.

“We want emergency rule to go as it has curtailed media rights,” Dutta said Wednesday.

Bangladesh has a history of intimidation of the media, but there has been growing discontent among journalists about alleged interference by security officials.

Many publications have resorted to self-censorship, according to the journalists.

The editors said they regularly receive telephone calls telling them to stop publishing or broadcasting certain news, while television stations have been asked not to invite some commentators to their talk shows.

“The journalists who are critical of the military-backed government’s activities have been blacklisted for television talk shows,” Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury, editor of the Bangladesh Observer newspaper, said recently. “I am one of them.”

The journalists decided Tuesday to create a formal committee to deal with the matter, Samad said.

The spokesman for the Ministry of Information could not be reached for comment Wednesday, while a military spokesman declined to comment.

Global rights groups including the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists and Human Rights Watch have criticized the interim government for failing to protect press freedom.

Journalists in Bangladesh are routinely threatened, assaulted or killed for writing about political violence, corruption or organized crime, according to media rights groups. At least 11 journalists have been killed and dozens maimed since 1997, they say.

The interim government has pledged to hold elections in the third week of December.